Contacts, Opportunities and Criminal Enterprise
By Carlo Morselli
Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 2005
The central argument of this book is that social network dynamics are fundamental in structuring illegal opportunities and criminal careers. The core of the book involves two (previously published) case studies using biographies of criminal entrepreneurs (Howard Marks and Salvatore Gravano) as data about their networks. Members of core networks are identified and the duration of ties evaluated along with career outcomes (successful drug shipment value for Marks and promotion for Gravano). Then, using a mixture of biography, theory (particularly Burt’s structural holes) and quantitative assessment, Morselli identifies phases in “networked careers”.
The book provokes thought and scepticism equally. On one hand, even an anecdotal account of criminal activities illustrates just how fundamental networks are and this makes the book an interesting and salutary read for individualists and environmental determinists. On the other, it is unclear how far this biography-based approach can be taken or whether the book is argued tightly enough to rally research for what is (in my opinion) a good cause. Dealing with the second point first, much of the non case-study material doesn’t particularly advance the author’s argument. Shorn of biographical and theoretical padding, the chapter on lethal violence is in danger of being summarised as “Leaders make rules, subordinates follow them”. The chapter on whether crime is “organised” is not particularly relevant or novel. Much of the background discussion would be regarded as commonplace in mainstream social network analysis and the book neglects several structural analyses of illegal activities (by McAdam, Natarajan, Sarnecki and arguably Friedman) and the (admittedly specialised) literature on dynamic networks. Although Morselli’s application (criminal entrepreneurs) and method are distinctive, I felt that the book overplayed the novelty of its contribution.
The other concern is how much weight biographical data can bear and it was surprising how little this was discussed. Morselli’s argument about organised crime is that structured entrepreneurship is just as important to an “independent” operator like Marks as it is to a member of an “organised” mafia family like Gravano and this point is well taken. However, it is very easy to see why the quantitative analysis must be treated with caution. Even Gravano (who became an informant) would probably try to protect friends and allies still criminally involved or minimise their implication in activities not already discovered. It is also plausible that he would present events selectively to achieve other goals. This would be far easier in biography than under interrogation or surveillance. Furthermore, biography has its own conventions that may affect the accuracy of cumulative tie counts (forming a significant part of Morselli’s analysis). Characters may be introduced not when they become significant but only when first involved in some narrative event. Similarly, if they lose and regain contact, there may be no narrative justification for mentioning this, overplaying observed tie continuity. It would have been useful to see sensitivity analysis of the quantitative results under different assumptions about data accuracy. It would also be rewarding to examine the biographical networks of non-criminals who have less to hide and simply to have a larger sample. Finally, there was no discussion of the relative merits of biographical interviews or oral history as alternative (and more interactive) ways of eliciting dynamic network data of this kind.
Overall, I think this book deserves to be read for the ideas it contains but I hope it will serve mainly as the basis for a much more rigorous and structured account of the (fascinating) role that social networks play in illegal activity.
EDMUND CHATTOE-BROWN
University of Oxford |
